How long should children practise typing? What the evidence does — and does not — show

What a classic typing study of adult postal workers can — and cannot — tell us about a child's practice time, what the wider research on spacing adds, and a practical way to choose a routine your family can keep.

Published 2026-08-2912 min read

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The short answer: no study we could find establishes a number of daily minutes that is best for every child. What research does support is a direction — spreading practice out tends to beat piling it up — and that direction is enough to plan a routine with, as long as the number on the timer is treated as a family's choice rather than a proven dose.

We run a typing site whose lessons are built to be finished in minutes, so we have an obvious interest in the answer being "short and often" — read accordingly, and check the sources, which are all linked. An earlier version of this page went further than the evidence and called a few minutes a day the optimal dose. This version corrects that.

What the typing study actually compared

In 1978 the British postal service needed to teach postal workers to type, and researchers split the adult trainees across four schedules: one hour once a day, one hour twice a day, two hours once a day, or two hours twice a day. The instruction was the same; only the timetable differed. The one-hour-a-day group learned the most per hour of practice, and the heaviest schedule the least1.

Two details matter. First, the efficient group needed more weeks on the calendar to reach the same standard, because its efficient hours came one per day — and, by the researchers' account, its trainees were the least satisfied with their own progress. Second, look at what was not tested: the participants were adults, the shortest session was a full hour, and nobody compared five minutes a day with an hour on Sunday. The study says nothing direct about an eight-year-old at a keyboard.

The typing study compared adults in one- and two-hour sessions. It did not test children, and it did not test five minutes.

What the wider research adds

The postal study fits a much larger body of work on the spacing effect. A quantitative synthesis of 317 experiments found that practice spread across separate sessions reliably beats the same amount massed into one2. Those experiments were almost all about remembering verbal material — word lists, facts — not about keyboards, so for typing this is supporting evidence for the direction, not a measurement.

A study of 1,354 people tested over gaps of up to a year found that the best interval between sessions depends on how long the material has to be remembered: for anything meant to last months, gaps of days to weeks beat both cramming and very long pauses3. Practising on most days is a reasonable reading of that for a skill meant to last; it is still a reading, because the material was facts, not typing.

Research on motor and verbal skills also finds that how well practice goes in the moment is a poor guide to what is being learned: conditions that make practice feel harder, such as spacing it out, often produce better retention later4. That is why a clumsy session is not necessarily a wasted one, and why today's words-per-minute is a weak measure of progress.

None of this is new. Ten years after the postal study — and roughly a century after spacing was first measured — a review in the American Psychological Association's flagship journal asked why one of the most robust findings in learning research was still barely used in classrooms5. One reason it gave fits the postal workers: spaced practice does not feel as productive as a long session, even when it is.

What the research does not tell you

  • An exact number of minutes for a child. None of the studies cited here measured children's typing practice at different daily lengths.
  • That five minutes beats an hour. The typing study's shortest session was an hour, and its groups were not given equal total time; they trained until they reached set standards.
  • That one length suits every child. Age, reading level, attention and how familiar the keyboard is all differ, and the research does not sort children by them.
  • That longer always means more learning. Duration is an input, not a result; what matters is what the child can do afterwards.

A practical way to choose at home

Start from what you want to see, not from a number: can your child open a lesson, find the first key, and finish a short piece without being thrown by spaces or the screen? Pick a slot that fits the day — five or ten minutes is a convenient place to start, not a prescription — and adjust it to what actually happens.

  • If they cannot get started, check the device and the lesson screen together before worrying about time.
  • If individual keys are hard to find, try a single-key or word lesson before a sentence.
  • If a short sentence goes well, repeat it or pick another short one rather than lengthening the session.
  • If frustration builds, stop and find the obstacle instead of pushing on to reach a target.
  • Compare like with like: a familiar short sentence and a long new one are different tasks, and a lower score on the second is not a step backwards.

Lessons on this site are short — single keys, words or one sentence — so a session can end after one lesson or several. That suits a short routine, and it is a design choice we made with the spacing research in mind. It is not evidence that a particular length is optimal.

Frequently asked questions

Is five minutes a day enough? It may be a sensible start, but no study here shows that it is enough, or best, for a child. Use it as a slot, then adjust to how practice actually goes.

Is a little every day better than one long session? For adults learning to type, shorter daily sessions bought more learning per hour, and the broader spacing research points the same way. How short is best for a child has not been tested.

Should every session be timed or scored? A timer can help a routine end on time, but a first session can simply aim to start and finish one lesson. Watch what becomes easier over the weeks rather than one day's speed.

Choose a short lesson from the beginner list →

References

Every source below is a peer-reviewed paper with a link you can follow. Nothing here is cited second-hand.

  1. 1.

    Baddeley, A. D., & Longman, D. J. A. (1978). The influence of length and frequency of training session on the rate of learning to type. Ergonomics, 21(8), 627–635.

    Postal workers learning to type were trained on schedules from one hour a day to two two-hour sessions a day. The one-hour-a-day group learned the most per hour of practice and the heaviest schedule the least — yet the efficient group was the least satisfied with its own progress.

    https://doi.org/10.1080/00140137808931764
  2. 2.

    Cepeda, N. J., Pashler, H., Vul, E., Wixted, J. T., & Rohrer, D. (2006). Distributed practice in verbal recall tasks: A review and quantitative synthesis. Psychological Bulletin, 132(3), 354–380.

    A quantitative synthesis of 317 experiments on verbal recall: practice spread over separate sessions reliably beats the same amount of practice massed together, across materials and ages.

    https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.132.3.354
  3. 3.

    Cepeda, N. J., Vul, E., Rohrer, D., Wixted, J. T., & Pashler, H. (2008). Spacing effects in learning: A temporal ridgeline of optimal retention. Psychological Science, 19(11), 1095–1102.

    In a study of 1,354 people tested across gaps up to a year, the best interval between practice sessions grew with how long the material had to be remembered: for retention over months, gaps of days to weeks beat both cramming and very long gaps.

    https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02209.x
  4. 4.

    Schmidt, R. A., & Bjork, R. A. (1992). New conceptualizations of practice: Common principles in three paradigms suggest new concepts for training. Psychological Science, 3(4), 207–217.

    Across motor and verbal learning, conditions that make practice feel harder and look worse in the moment — spacing, variation, less feedback — reliably produce better retention and transfer. Performance during practice is a poor measure of what was learned.

    https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.1992.tb00029.x
  5. 5.

    Dempster, F. N. (1988). The spacing effect: A case study in the failure to apply the results of psychological research. American Psychologist, 43(8), 627–634.

    A century after its discovery, the spacing effect — one of the most robust findings in learning research — was still barely used in classrooms; the paper examines why practices that feel less productive fail to get adopted.

    https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.43.8.627

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